The objective of this work was to establish the relationship between conflict and social change derived from migratory processes in a Huasteca community. Based on discourse analysis around the journey, stay and return, those related to molar identity defined as the uses and customs significant for any of the three migratory processes were weighted. In reference to the socioeconomic context, identity symbols were interpreted in reference to the tradition of employment, building of heritage and appropriation of places. The results will make it possible to establish discussion criteria around migration, identity and local development. It is expected that the interpretations made can contribute to the construction of a municipal agenda on employment, health, recreation and sustainability

The complexity of Xilitla can be explained from the Psychosocial Theories of Conflict and Change. Water vulnerability, job insecurity, migratory intensity and resilient identity can be explained from the Theory of Social Belonging, the Theory of Social Categorization, the Theory of Social Representation and the Theory of Social Identity.

If Local Development is considered as a network of water, migratory and labor situations oriented to the resilience of a community, the Theory of Social Belonging (TPS) would suggest that groups generate a dynamic such that each of its members seeks to adhere to shared symbols. It is a process of loyalty not only to the groups to which the individual belongs, but to the groups to which he wishes to belong. In the process of adherence to a group, people adjust their decisions and actions to the norm of a group. The transgression of group principles leads to sanctions that redirect the adherence of the individual to the group.

However, within each group, asymmetric power relations are developed that make the conflicts that will define adherence to the norm unavoidable. In other words, belonging to a group symbolizes a membership that is renewed each time the conflict defines the propensity or aversion to the norms which, by the way, are redefined through asymmetric relationships. The conflict activates the change from one group to another and with it, the conformity or innovation of the norms. As conflicts intensify, regulations discourage asymmetries between members. In the course of time and in the course of the rules, individuals renew their vows to configure new groups [1-15].

Social psychologists have developed the Social Categorization Theory (TCS) to explain homogeneity within a group and heterogeneity in reference to other groups. It is a perceptual bias that explains endogenous conflict of interest or social change. In the case of regulations, people adjust their principles, decisions and actions to a group prototype. The assignment of a role by the group makes the individual more inclined to adhere to, even defend, the statutes of the reference group. It is about the formation of an individual's self-concept in reference to the prototypical norm of the group. In this sense, TCS explains two processes: depersonalization and ethnocentrism. That is, in their desire to join a group, each individual reduces their expectations to the norm of a group and exalts the normative principles of the group to which they belong or want to belong.

Although social categorization explains cohesion, cooperation and influence, it also explains conflicts of interest and innovation. The group dynamics is such that it requires constant changes for its preservation. Conformity guarantees the preservation of values, beliefs, perceptions, attitudes and even knowledge, but conflict drives the development of new asymmetric relationships and with it, competition and innovation. Therefore, a minority is able to dissuade another minority and persuade a majority.  

In summary, the TCS maintains that each person continuously processes fragmented information about the group, the space and the resources they have [16-20].

However, such information processing is biased since the norms of a group are the result of experience and inexperience. It is the perception of the individual that is in charge of putting the pieces together and giving it an eminently symbolic meaning of comparison between the current situation of a group in reference to its prospective situation and that of other groups.

TPS and TCS are part of a symbolic communicative process known as social representation. Social psychologists argue that such a process includes two dimensions: objectification and anchoring.

In essence, the Theory of Social Representation (TRS), unlike TPS and TCS, delimits group processes to their communicative aspects. The asymmetric differences that give rise to the structuring conflict are considered by the TRS as informational differences that enhance the beliefs and knowledge of each individual. In this sense, the conflict would be an antecedent of the change that would consist of substituting beliefs for knowledge. As conflicts activate internal or external communication in a group, they reduce the diversity of personal symbols to a few group meanings and meanings. It is a process of exhaustion of personal beliefs and their transformation into group knowledge.

Now, the structuring conflict seems to take place in a peripheral zone of social representations in reference to a central nucleus in which symbols are constituted in traditions, uses and customs.

Precisely, the naturalization of symbols takes place in the figurative nucleus that legitimizes the stigmas towards a minority group at the same moment that they disappear as a group referent. In such a process, objectification and anchoring explain the landing of abstract concepts and their conversion into concrete entities.

In summary, the TRS adequately explains the information processing that affects the choice of a group, its communication styles and influence.

Despite the fact that TPS, TCS and TRS seem to envision the choice of a group, social psychologists have developed the Theory of Social Identity (SIT) to explain the relationship between situations, decisions and actions of individuals when choosing the group to which they want to belong.

Social identity, like belonging, categorization and representation seems to have two dimensions for its analysis: self-categorical and hetero-categorial. The first refers to the identification made by the dominant, majority or minority group, with respect to their capacities and resources, attributing them to extra properties that make them different from the other group members. In contrast, the dominated elements seem to attribute their situation to their abilities. Asymmetric relationships in a group seem to be explained from the attributions that its members make of themselves in reference to the other members. The differences between the two groups, low and high status, seem to be legitimized and justified based on social identity. The permanence of such internalized attributions is explained by the internalization that each group makes of the characteristics attributed to them. A group convinces itself of its capabilities once it has undermined the version of the other groups that perceive it.

In communication terms, of a stimulus that appears as an essential part of different groups, high or low status, there are two underlying biases: an intra-categorial homogeneity and an inter-categorial differentiation. On the one hand, the individuals of a group consider that said communicative stimuli are inexorable to their characteristics, causing them to be perceived as different from other groups of greater or lesser status [21-35].

However, when communicative stimuli are perceived as inherent in a group, the consequence is a perception of illegitimacy, then a structuring conflict is generated that will become a change in group identity.

In summary, the TPS, TCS, TRS and TIS explain the conflict that structures the individual as a social actor by inserting it into the normativity of a group. Said process is limited to the minority or majority status. The symbols and meanings between the members of a group seem to be concentrated in a nucleus of representation in which the objectification, anchoring and naturalization of the information shapes the status of the group and its corresponding norms. The assignment of a role by the group homogenizes the identity, but innovation diversifies the normativity of the groups.

In the case of Xilitla, the exposed theories would suggest that water vulnerability, job insecurity, migratory intensity and resilient identity are the result of belonging, categorization, representation and social identity. In other words, the scarcity of water and commercial activities explain migration and the issuance of remittances, but psychosocial processes would suggest that the availability of water and the commercial activities of Xilitla are the result of conflicts that were structured in minorities and in majorities to the communities and localities of the region. Apparently, the normative symbols of the entity that were built within the Huasteca micro-region, contributed decisively to the Local Development of Xilitla. In other words, the nucleus of symbolic representation delineated the axes of the search for opportunities in which migration was a primary instrument. Once water resources were depleted, agriculture was no longer the local economic support. Government authorities encouraged tourism and trade that further compromised the sustainability of the region. In the first instance, migration was an escape valve and later, it was transformed into an instrument of resilience. Collaborative networks and remittance nodes were structured around migratory flows. Once sent to the region, the local economy reactivated, but at the cost of restructuring the majorities that continued to practice agriculture and at the cost of exalting the minorities that diversified the region's trade. Such a process was insufficient to even preserve the resources compromised by their scarcity. The Xilitla region is in such a situation that its relationship with nature does not seem to concern it as long as it does not compromise its uses and customs. In this sense, the study of the preservation of the environment would indicate the degree of sustainability, vulnerability and resilience of the region. For this reason, it is necessary to interpret the discourses that the migrant community of the Huasteca region expresses in the face of water scarcity, job insecurity and the search for employment outside the region [35-40].

In this equation c denotes country and t denotes year. This measure reflects changes in the emigration rate on an annual basis. One problem with the denominator of the measure is that it does not consider the emigration of previous immigrants during the previous 20 years, who are no longer at risk because they have already left. There is no measure of emigration, so they make no effort to adjust the population at risk. Since the true population at risk was smaller than our measure of the population at risk, the actual emigration rates were higher than our estimates.

Design: A qualitative, descriptive, cross-sectional and exploratory study was carried out.

Participants: A 5 migrants and 5 merchants selected from the “snowball” technique.

Alterity: Country and city

Identity: Trade, employment, financing, migration, tourism, technology, transport and housing.

Instrument: Open-ended questionnaire related to the ten categories. What meaning does the countryside have for you? How do you imagine the North American city in which a migrant works? How do you negotiate the purchase or sale of a product or service with migrants, residents or tourists? Do people prefer their own business to migrate in search of employment? If someone could lend you a lot of money, what would you use it for? Why do people prefer to look for work away from their country instead of going to Mexico City? Why Xilitla will prosper as a magic town and a coffee grower? What is your opinion of the machines used for planting and harvesting? How would a tram, metrobus, cable car or metro benefit a community like Xilitla? Would more tourists come if the community will have modern transportation?

Coding: Each answer to the questions was analyzed according to the proximity between symbols, meanings and meanings.

When the interviewees compared the city with the countryside and related them both to tourism (hotels, plazas, merchandise) and to migration (hunger, death, thirst, fatigue) or residence (financing, technology, transportation), it was considered that the structure of their identity and social alterity started from general categories of comfort to more specific ones of progress or misery. Such associations were rated with a value of 1

In contrast, when the categories of country and city were not related in the responses of the interviewees and other secondary or peripheral categories did not emanate from them for their contrast, then it was scored with a value of zero.

Finally, in the cases in which the interviewees complemented the field category with the city category, but did not relate them to tourism, residence or migration, then identity and otherness were considered to be circumscribed to central nodes rather than peripheral ones. Such sequence was rated with a value of -1, or when the interviewees did not relate to the categories of city and country, but if they established a contrast between tourism, residence and migration, then they also obtained a value of -1

Interpretation. Once the responses of the interviewees were emptied into descriptive matrices, the values were interpreted in their entirety since they were added according to their order of representation, which can be from the central node to the periphery (maximum value of 50 points that reveal a identity ), from the periphery to the central nucleus (maximum value of -50 points that reveal an alterity ), only the figurative node (value of zero points that reveal a spurious ) or only the periphery (value of zero points that also reveal a spurious ). Once the total was obtained, said value was interpreted due to its proximity to the maximum or null values established.

For example, if the total sum of the interviewees were -42 points then it was considered that the speeches of migrants and merchants imply an identity because the relationship with otherness is reversed. In contrast, if such value were positive (42 points), then it would corroborate the hypothesis according to which it is assumed that otherness fits the information in the context and thereby adapts the discourse to the imperatives of the migrant experience. Finally, if the total value approached zero, then it was considered that both identity and otherness would be influenced by other factors such as attitude, knowledge, perception, memory or learning [41-45].

The results of the weights for each identity indicator reached 21 points out of 50 possible. In other words, the dynamics of labor insertion and subjective well-being is high and therefore satisfactory. In general terms, the interviews reflect a host of opportunities that were taken advantage of by their children or acquaintances and had a favorable impact on the locality.

However, in the speech of the interviewees a spuriousness predominates (30 speeches out of 50 possible) and identity (29 speeches out of 50 possible) in reference to an alterity (16 speeches out of 50 possible). That is to say, the speeches reflect expectations satisfied at some point in time, but it is also possible to infer the uncertainty in these speeches since local job opportunities are increasingly minimal with the return of migrants and the cheapening of agricultural labor as well as of the products of the micro-region. In this sense, the concentration of speeches in the past would reflect the protective and driving shield that individuals acquire when they join a group that provides or entrusts them with their social-community capital. Such a situation allows the interviewees to consider that their personal and family well-being is assured, but the recognition of the work of other migrant groups allows them to visualize Xilitla as a locality that employs agricultural labor that emigrates to this demarcation seeking better pay. .

Precisely, the identity that underlies the interviews (29 speeches out of 50 possible), reflects the importance of intersubjective relationships around a paid activity. Although it is true that the buildings are the product of family dynamics, the buildings in Xilitla are recognized as the product of the work of a community and its migrants. In this sense, the identity associated with otherness probably encouraged migration, employment abroad, return and reintegration among those who decided to cover the cycle.

Despite the fact that the interviews reflect discourses of job insertion and very high personal well-being, it should be noted that the absence of expectations for the future could discourage the quality of life of the inhabitants of Xilitla. As individuals enhance their past life, they encourage their prospective acts, but in the speeches of the interviewees the propensity for the future is absent, although aversion to the past is non-existent and rather the present, when compared with the past, reflects a malaise that is not derived from group dynamics, but rather from the environmental situation that the micro-region is going through. 

In summary, the inhabitants of Xilitla, inserted in a group of migrants, reflect in their speeches expectations of satisfaction that were built in the past and that despite the current crisis, their memories continue to be a reference to understand their job satisfaction, although their income is increasingly depleted by the environmental crisis. It is a group and work identity that we could call molar since it turns out to be significant for the interviewees at the moment of recovering the facts such as were re-signified by them at the moment of observing a change in their personal and family well-being.

The present work, despite using a different methodology to those reported in the state of the art, complements the findings of Alaminos, et al, (2010) regarding ethnocentrism. In the present study, molar identity would explain the defense of uses and customs that, when concretized in lifestyles and construction of buildings, would indicate the group dynamics that allow the members of a family to adopt work skills and jobs for preservation of the group in the particular and the community in general. In this sense, points out that the social representation of the built spaces not only reflects the group identity, but also encourages it to change. It is a psychosocial dynamic in which migrant communities show their intentions to preserve the uses and customs that differentiate them from other groups [46-55].

However, Chaca and Arjona (2011) found that ethnocentrism also implies barriers for local development in crisis situations. In the present work, the environmental crisis seems to influence the prospective identity of the interviewees, although the current and introspective identity seems to influence their discourses of satisfaction and well-being more than discrimination against minorities that Cristini, et. al, (2011) established in his study with adolescents to whom the support of their reference group did not reduce their depressive level. In contrast, the present work established that the social support of the families and friends of migrants facilitated their insertion into the labor field and in the case of a return, it would allow their productive reintegration.

In both cases, labor insertion and productive reinsertion, security and stability represent expectations in the young migrant population (Mercado and Nava, 2013). In the present study, endogenous identity, that which is derived from the decisions of belonging to a family group or friends that prepare the individual for work, could explain the dynamics of trust and work commitment that these people develop when they work with their employees relatives and acquaintances [55-63].

However, gender differences are for Moreno, et al, (2010) differentiation factors when explaining work stress. According to the authors, men become stressed in their work as labor relations become cynical and women reach greater exhaustion when the levels of demand are very high. In the present investigation, molar identity would explain the high levels of stress since mistrust and indiscipline are the product of a molecular identity, one in which people only limit themselves to a series of acts expecting a benefit. On the other hand, molar identity would imply an accumulation of meanings that make work activity a series of voluntary and satisfactory acts. 

Based on such differences and similarities with other studies, it is recommended to expand the research to the exploration and description of job opportunities in the service sector since the entity has a natural capital that could be used to encourage tourism. A study on expository, persuasive and gastronomic skills would explain the generational change around productivity and job performance. In this work, molar identity would be a determinant of competitiveness in the micro-region [64-72]. 

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