Article Type : Research Article
Authors : Thomas Achu Uduo
Keywords : Policing; Illicit Drugs; NGOs; Community; Nigeria
The purpose of this
research is to examine the role played by non-governmental organisations
(NGOs), and communities in combating illicit drug activities highlighting their
contributions to the broader drug control strategy in Nigeria. Despite
extensive government efforts, the prevalence of illicit drug use and
trafficking remains a significant challenge. This study explores the impact of
NGOs and community-based initiatives on drug prevention, treatment,
rehabilitation, and advocacy. Through qualitative analysis, the research
reveals the successes, challenges, and potential of these non-governmental
efforts. The findings suggest that a more integrated approach, involving
collaboration between NGOs, communities, and government agencies, could enhance
the effectiveness of drug control in Nigeria. The study concludes with policy
recommendations aimed at strengthening these partnerships to create a more
sustainable and comprehensive response to the drug problem.
“Nigeria
faces a significant and growing problem with illicit drugs in terms of use and
trafficking. As a major hub in the international drug trade, Nigeria serves as
a transit point for narcotics flowing from South America to Europe and other
parts of the world. In addition, the country is witnessing a rise in domestic
drug consumption, with substances such as cannabis, cocaine, heroin, and
synthetic drugs like tramadol becoming increasingly prevalent [1]. The impact
of this drug crisis is felt across various levels of society, manifesting in
public health challenges, increased crime rates, and social instability [2].
The Nigerian government has made concerted efforts to combat the drug menace
through law enforcement and policy measures. The establishment of the National
Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) in 1989 marked a significant step in this
direction. The NDLEA has been tasked with coordinating and enforcing laws
against drug trafficking and abuse, conducting drug-related investigations, and
promoting public awareness about the dangers of drug use [3]. Despite these
efforts, the persistence of the drug problem suggests that law enforcement
alone is insufficient to address the complexities of illicit drug activities.
NGOs have been at the forefront of preventive education, advocacy, treatment,
and rehabilitation services, often filling gaps left by governmental agencies.
Meanwhile, community-led initiatives have demonstrated the potential to
mobilise local resources, engage in surveillance, and provide support systems
for those affected by drug use. These grassroots efforts are vital in creating
a comprehensive approach to drug control, emphasizing prevention, harm
reduction, and the reintegration of individuals into society. Recent
scholarship reveals that non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and
community-based initiatives are playing pivotal roles in preventive education,
harm reduction, treatment, and reintegration programs, often filling critical
gaps left by governmental interventions [4]. NGOs in Nigeria engage in a
variety of activities focused on drug demand reduction (DDR). These include
public awareness campaigns, school-based drug education, and youth outreach.
Obot surveyed 45 organizations, noting that 84% were active in preventive
education and 63% engaged in drug policy research. Their efforts are often
underfunded and suffer from insufficient policy support. Still, NGOs persist in
advocating for a public health approach to drug control, arguing for a shift
away from punitive frameworks that dominate Nigerian drug policy. Nelson and
Pates (2018) proposes community-level treatment models that involve NGOs and
trained volunteers. They stress the need for localized treatment
infrastructure, especially in underserved areas. By integrating treatment with
educational and employment opportunities, these community programs can reduce
recidivism and support sustainable recovery. Klantschnig critiques Nigerian law
enforcement, pointing to centralized, bureaucratic interests and weak
coordination as barriers to effective governance. Without systemic reforms, the
impact of NGOs may remain limited despite their on-ground effectiveness [5].
Ekpenyong
highlights the national security dimensions of drug trafficking in Nigeria,
noting the country's strategic location as a transit hub for international
narcotics. He highlights how community surveillance and intelligence gathering
can aid enforcement agencies. Communities often serve as the first line of
detection and support for individuals at risk. Nwannennaya and Abiodun identify
socioeconomic drivers like unemployment, poverty, and corruption as major
enablers of the drug trade. Their findings stress the importance of
community-based economic empowerment initiatives, often spearheaded by NGOs, in
addressing the root causes of drug abuse and trafficking [6]. Despite Nigeria’s
extensive efforts to combat illicit drug trafficking and abuse through
governmental agencies such as the NDLEA, the country continues to face a
growing drug crisis. This is evident not only in its role as a transit hub for
international drug trafficking but also in the increasing prevalence of
domestic drug use and production. While much attention has been given to law
enforcement strategies and policy reforms at the national level, there remains
a critical research gap concerning the contributions and challenges of
non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and local communities in addressing the
drug problem. These actors often serve as frontline responders, delivering
preventive education, rehabilitation, and support services that government
institutions are unable or unwilling to provide. However, their roles,
effectiveness, and integration into national drug control frameworks remain
underexplored. Understanding how NGOs and communities’ function within
Nigeria's anti-drug landscape is essential to developing more holistic,
sustainable, and people-centered responses to the country’s complex drug
problem.
Research Questions
What
are the specific roles played by NGOs and community organisations in policing
illicit drug use and trafficking in Nigeria?
Research Objectives
To
identify the specific roles that non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and
community-based organisations play in the preventing illicit drug use and
trafficking in Nigeria.
The role of non-governmental
organizations (NGOs)
The
role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and community-based organizations
(CBOs) in tackling illicit drug issues in Nigeria has grown increasingly
important, especially as traditional law enforcement strategies continue to
fall short. According to Obot (2004), NGOs have taken the lead in drug demand
reduction (DDR), notably through preventive education, rehabilitation, and
public health advocacy, particularly where government intervention is lacking.
While the NDLEA, Nigeria’s primary drug enforcement agency, focuses on
interdiction and prosecution, this punitive approach has been criticized for
neglecting the underlying social determinants of drug use [7]. Nelson and Pates
(2018) argue that punitive policies have not translated into measurable reductions
in drug use. They propose shifting to community-based treatment and harm
reduction models that integrate NGOs and local health providers. Hashmi et al.
found that CBOs in Zamfara State contributed significantly to education,
health, and self-help projects, though their efforts were constrained by poor
governmental and financial backing. Similarly, Omofonmwan and Odia observed
that NGOs in Edo State led successful campaigns against child labor and drug
abuse but faced sustainability challenges without government collaboration [8,
9]. The politicization and centralization of drug enforcement have further
marginalized local actors. Klantschnig shows how bureaucratic and clientelist
dynamics within Nigerian drug law enforcement limit collaborative and decentralized
approaches. This centralized control stifles NGO involvement, despite their
proximity to affected populations. Moreover, the ethical landscape of NGO work
has come under scrutiny [5]. Okunade et al. emphasize the need for co-creation
and ethical reciprocity between NGOs and host communities, especially in
volatile regions like the Niger Delta [10]. Ethical lapses can undermine
credibility and impact, even when programs are technically effective. From a
public health perspective, Nelson, Obot, and Umoh advocate for a new
institutional structure dedicated solely to DDR, arguing that the NDLEA’s
amalgamation of roles impairs its effectiveness [11]. This proposal aligns with
the broader international movement towards integrated and non-punitive drug policies.
During the COVID-19 pandemic, the fragility of NGO-based services was starkly
exposed. Nelson, Dumbili, and Odeigah report that utilization of
community-based treatment services declined sharply, with female users
disproportionately affected due to mobility restrictions and lack of
alternative access points [12]. Furthermore, cultural, and institutional
barriers continue to hinder NGO effectiveness. Okafor (2004) details how the
elite-centric and urban-focused nature of many Nigerian NGOs disconnects them
from rural communities most affected by drug abuse. This disconnect limits
their ability to influence national policy or scale successful interventions.
A
recurrent theme across literature is the disconnection between national policy
frameworks and grassroots implementation. Ekpenyong asserts that Nigeria’s role
in global drug trafficking exacerbates domestic vulnerabilities, yet national
responses remain reactive and fragmented. Similarly, Nwannennaya and Abiodun
argue that porous borders, economic hardship, and corruption perpetuate
trafficking, requiring a multisectoral response that engages civil society [6].
Anyebe points out a critical lack of mental health-focused NGOs in northern
Nigeria, exacerbated by unsupportive government policies.
Figure 1: Graph showing the cases prosecuted
2010-2019.
This
gap is particularly concerning given the rising mental health burden linked to
drug abuse in conflict-affected areas. The literature highlights a consensus on
the indispensable role of NGOs and communities in Nigeria’s drug control
efforts. However, their contributions are hindered by policy exclusion, funding
constraints, ethical dilemmas, and structural disconnects with governmental
institutions. Nigeria's strategic location, coupled with its porous borders,
has made it a significant player in the global drug trade. These substances are
not only trafficked but also locally produced, adding a new dimension to the
drug problem in Nigeria (Otu, 2020). The social and economic impacts of illicit
drug use are profound. Drug abuse has been linked to a range of social
problems, including increased crime rates, particularly violent crimes, and
theft. Moreover, drug addiction contributes to the breakdown of families, loss
of productivity, and a rise in health-related issues, including the spread of
HIV/AIDS due to needle sharing among drug users. The Nigerian government's
response to the drug problem has primarily focused on law enforcement and
punitive measures. The NDLEA, as the central agency responsible for drug
control, has made significant strides in drug seizures, arrests, and the
prosecution of drug offenders to demonstrate the dilemma it faces in combating
drug menace [3]. This is capture in a table below from 2010-2019. (Tables 1,
2), (Figure 1).
Table
shows various types of drugs seized and quantities between 2010-2019, which
represent the efforts of government of the years. Table 2 Figure 1 shows the
number of cases won, lost/struck out, and the success rate of drug prosecution
from 2010 to 2019. The chart above shows the number of drug cases, the number
of cases won, the number of cases lost or struck out, and the success rate of
those cases for ten years. In 2010, there were 1,526 cases, of which 1,509 were
won, resulting in a success rate of 98.89%. This success rate increased
slightly over the next two years, with 1,491 cases won out of 1,501 cases in
2011, and 1,718 cases won out of 1,736 in 2012. The success rate peaked at
99.67% in 2013, with 1,865 cases won out of 1,871 cases. The success rate
dropped slightly in 2014, with 2,054 cases won out of 2,070. However, the
limitations of these efforts are evident. The emphasis on punitive measures has
often overshadowed the need for prevention, treatment, and rehabilitation. Many
drug users are criminalized rather than receiving the support they need to
overcome addiction [13]. This approach has led to overcrowded prisons and a
cycle of reoffending, as individuals are released without access to
rehabilitation services. The absence of necessary resources can undermine
community involvement and diminish the ability of Law Enforcement Agencies and
community members to meet expectations and address local needs. This challenge
aligns with findings from the National Secretariat for Safety and Security
(1999), which identified the lack of basic resources, such as transportation,
finance, and equipment, as a major obstacle to the effectiveness of NGOs and
drug officers in reducing the drug crime. For Law Enforcement Agencies
officers, inadequate resources compromise their essential policing tasks, while
for community members, it limits their capacity to contribute meaningfully to
NGOs activities. Furthermore, the NDLEA and other law enforcement agencies face
numerous challenges, including inadequate funding, poor working environment,
and limited resources. These issues hinder the effectiveness of drug control
efforts, particularly in rural areas where the drug trade is often most
prevalent. The lack of coordination between different government agencies and
the absence of a comprehensive national drug policy have also contributed to
the persistence of the drug problem in Nigeria [14].
Philosophical Assumptions
In
qualitative research, the philosophical assumptions guide the research process,
influencing how the researcher views the world, the research participants, and
the nature of reality itself. This study on policing illicit drugs in Nigeria,
with a focus on the role of NGOs and community groups, is grounded in a
constructivist paradigm. Constructivism posits that reality is not objective
and fixed but rather is constructed by individuals based on their experiences
and interactions with the world [15]. This perspective is particularly relevant
for this study as it seeks to understand the experiences and perceptions of
various stakeholders NGOs, community members, and law enforcement officers who
are actively engaged in combating drug-related issues in Nigeria. The
constructivist paradigm supports the idea that multiple realities exist, as
each participant brings their unique perspective to the issue. In this context,
the study aims to uncover these multiple realities by exploring how different
stakeholders perceive the challenges and successes of drug policing and how
these perceptions influence their actions and interactions. By acknowledging
the subjective nature of reality, this research approach allows for a deeper
understanding of the complex social dynamics involved in drug control efforts
in Nigeria [16].
Table 1: Analysis of the Statistics of Drug Arrest and Seizure, 2010-2019.
Year |
Cannabis |
Cocaine |
Heroin |
Others
|
Total |
2010 |
174,661.59 |
706.43 |
202.08 |
2,550.62 |
178,120.72 |
2011 |
191,847.91 |
410.81 |
39.75 |
2,985.45 |
195,283.92 |
2012 |
228,794.13 |
131.89 |
211.03 |
3,905.45 |
233,042.50 |
2013 |
205,373 |
290.2 |
24.53 |
134,280.38 |
339,968.11 |
226.04 |
56.45 |
7562.49 |
53,886,039.50 |
||
2015 |
871,480.32 |
260.47 |
30.09 |
31,442.86 |
903,213.74 |
2016 |
187,394 |
305.17 |
66.28 |
79,600.69 |
267,366.14 |
2017 |
191,084.19 |
92.26 |
85.36 |
117,114.20 |
308,376.01 |
2018 |
273,249.08. |
124.86 |
59.62 |
44,331.29 |
317,764.85 |
2019 |
602,654.49 |
113 |
23.89 |
10,112.10 |
612,903.48 |
TOTAL |
56,531,484.15 |
2661.1 |
799.08 |
433,885.53 |
57,242,078.97 |
Table 2: Analysis of the number of Cases Prosecuted for 2010-2019.
Year |
Cases |
Won |
Lost/struck
out |
Success
Rate |
2010 |
1,526 |
1,509 |
17 |
98.89 |
2011 |
1,501 |
1,491 |
10 |
99.33 |
2012 |
1,736 |
1,718 |
18 |
98.96 |
2013 |
1,871 |
1,865 |
6 |
99.67 |
2014 |
2,070 |
2,054 |
16 |
99.22 |
2015 |
1,731 |
1,690 |
41 |
97.63 |
2016 |
2,278 |
2,256 |
22 |
99.03 |
2017 |
1,666 |
1,621 |
45 |
97.3 |
2018 |
1259 |
1249 |
10 |
99.21 |
2019 |
1,143 |
1,130 |
13 |
98.86 |
Research Setting
This
study was conducted in Calabar, the capital city of Cross River State, Nigeria.
Calabar was chosen due to its strategic location in southern Nigeria, its
active community-based civil society sector, and the documented prevalence of
drug abuse and trafficking issues in the area. The presence of a variety of
local NGOs and community organizations engaged in social development and public
health initiatives provided a rich context for qualitative investigation.
Study Design
This
study utilized a qualitative research framework, which aligns with interpretive
and non-positivist paradigms. Qualitative research is well-suited to explore
complex social phenomena through detailed, context-rich narratives. As
described by Bryman (1988), qualitative methods emphasize understanding how
individuals interpret their social world, making them ideal for assessing the
important roles of NGOs and communities in drug control efforts in Nigeria. The
case study design involves the collection and analysis of multiple sources of
data, including interviews, documents, and observations. This triangulation of
data sources enhances the validity of the findings by allowing the researcher
to cross-check information and gain a more comprehensive understanding of the
phenomenon under study [17]. Additionally, the case study design is flexible,
allowing the researcher to adapt the research process as new insights emerge,
which is essential in a field as dynamic and multifaceted as drug control [18].
Sampling Techniques and Sample Size
Sampling was conducted using purposive techniques. According to Pollock (2009), sampling involves selecting units from a population for study. This research targeted individuals who were directly involved in drug control activities including NGO workers, community leaders, and local law enforcement officials. A total of 20 participants were selected based on their expertise, relevance to the study objectives, and availability. It includes: (10) NGO representatives: Individuals working in organizations involved in drug control efforts, particularly those focusing on harm reduction, rehabilitation, and advocacy. (4) Community leaders: Members of the community who are actively engaged in local drug control initiatives, public awareness campaigns. (3) Law enforcement officers: (3) Drug users and rehabilitated individuals: The sample size was determined based on the principle of data saturation, where data collection continued until no new themes or insights emerged from the interviews.
Data Collection Techniques
The
study employed both primary and secondary data collection methods. Primary data
were collected through semi-structured interviews and informant guides were
designed to elicit comprehensive insights into participants' experiences and
perspectives. The interviews were conducted face-to-face and audio-recorded
with the participants' consent. Secondary data were obtained from relevant
academic literature, NGO reports, and policy documents to supplement and
contextualize the primary data. The semi-structured format allowed participants
to share their experiences in their own words, providing rich qualitative data
[19]. Document analysis provided additional context and corroborated the
information gathered through interviews and focus groups. It also helped
identify the official narratives and policies guiding drug control efforts in
Nigeria, allowing for a comparison with the lived experiences of the
participants [20].
Ethical Considerations
All
participants were informed about the purpose of the study and gave their
voluntary consent to participate. Confidentiality and anonymity were assured,
and participants were informed of their right to withdraw from the study at any
time without penalty. Written informed consent was obtained from all
participants before their participation in the study [21]. The confidentiality
of participants was strictly maintained throughout the research process.
Participants' identities were anonymized in all transcripts, reports, and
publications, and any identifying information was removed to protect their
privacy. Data was securely stored, and only the researcher has access to the
raw data [22]. Participants were encouraged to speak freely without fear of
reprisal. The researcher was also prepared to provide information on support
services for participants who might be affected by the discussions and that
participants' rights, and well-being were adequately protected [15].
Data Analysis
Data
analysis in qualitative research is an iterative process that involves
organizing, coding, and interpreting the data to identify patterns, themes, and
insights. For this study, the data analysis followed the thematic analysis
approach, which is well-suited for identifying and analyzing patterns within
qualitative data [23]. The first step in the analysis process was transcribing
the audio recordings of the interviews. The researcher then thoroughly reviewed
the transcripts to familiarize themselves with the data, noting initial
impressions and potential themes. The next step involved coding the data, which
entailed identifying and labelling relevant pieces of text that corresponded to
specific themes or categories. An open coding approach was used initially,
allowing the researcher to generate codes based on the data without being
constrained by preconceived categories [24]. As the analysis progressed, these
codes were refined and organized into broader themes that captured the key
issues related to the role of NGOs and community groups in drug policing. Once
the coding was complete, the researcher grouped the codes into overarching
themes that represented the major findings of the study. These themes were
developed through an iterative process of reviewing and refining the codes,
ensuring that they accurately reflected the participants' experiences and the
research question [15]. The last step in the analysis involved interpreting the
themes and synthesizing the findings to develop a comprehensive understanding
of the research topic. This process involved connecting the themes to the
broader literature on drug control and the role of NGOs, as well as considering
the implications of the findings for policy and practice [17].
This
section presents the findings from interviews with participants and integrates
with secondary evidence. The thematic discussion provides insights into NGO
roles, community involvement, and challenges in drug control. NGOs have taken
the lead in community-based drug prevention programs. As one respondent stated,
Our NGO focuses on educating young people about the risks of drug abuse. We
believe prevention is better than cure, and so far, our efforts have made a
significant impact in schools and communities" (Participant 1, NGO
Representative). These efforts align with findings by Adelekan & Ndom, who
noted a measurable reduction in drug use in communities where sustained
prevention campaigns were implemented [25]. Similarly, Omadjohwoefe argues that
preventive strategies rooted in education are more sustainable than punitive
approaches [26]. This highlights the critical need to institutionalize
education-driven prevention models in drug policy.
NGOs
also manage rehabilitation centers offering comprehensive care. One respondent
observed, our rehabilitation centre has helped many individuals recover from
addiction. We do not just focus on detoxification; we provide holistic support
that addresses the psychological and social aspects of addiction"
(Participant 12, Rehabilitation Officer). The importance of such services is
reinforced by Adelekan who emphasized the need for rehabilitation programs to
include vocational training and psychological support. Additionally, some
Participant who were former drug user, affirmed. The support I received from
the NGO was life changing. They helped me overcome my addiction and provided me
with the skills I needed to start afresh." These narratives underscore the
transformative impact of rehabilitation, particularly when rooted in community
support.
Community-led
policing initiatives have emerged as effective grassroots mechanisms for
curbing drug-related offenses. One community leader noted, we have taken it
upon ourselves to keep our community drug-free. We collaborate with the law
enforcement officer to report any suspicious activities, and this collaboration
has helped reduce drug-related crimes" (Participant 4, Community Leader).
Alemika and Chukwuma affirm the effectiveness of such collaborations,
especially in areas where conventional law enforcement struggles to maintain a
consistent presence. These community initiatives not only improve surveillance
but also foster trust between residents and law enforcement, as echoed by a
Participant. The success of our drug policing efforts is largely due to the
cooperation we receive from the community. They trust us because they know we
are working together to protect their neighbourhoods" (Participant 5, Law
Enforcement Officer).
Beyond
formal rehabilitation, community support plays a pivotal role in the
reintegration of former drug users. A former user shared. The support I
received from my community was crucial in my recovery. They accepted me back
and helped me find a job, which gave me a sense of purpose" (Participant
6, Former Drug User). This reflects Oluwabamide and Umoh’s findings, which
highlight that community-based support systems, including employment
opportunities and mentorship, are instrumental in reducing relapse rates [27].
However, stigma remains a major challenge, an advocacy officer, stressed, we
are working hard to change people's perceptions of former drug users. They
deserve a second chance, and we are doing everything we can to support their
reintegration. Public awareness campaigns have proven useful in reshaping
societal attitudes and promoting inclusion. (participant 8) A consistent
challenge faced by NGOs is the scarcity of sustainable funding. As one NGO
director noted, our biggest challenge is funding. We have many programmes that
we want to implement, but without adequate funding, it is difficult to reach as
many people as we would like" (Participant 9, NGO Director). This issue is
also highlighted by Ojomo et al., who report that donor funding is often
unpredictable, leaving critical programs vulnerable to disruption. Despite
this, some organizations have innovated by forging partnerships with private
and international donors [28].
Participant
10, a programs manager, shared, we have been fortunate to receive support from
international organizations, which has allowed us to scale up our efforts and
impact more communities. These collaborative models demonstrate that resource
diversification can enhance organizational resilience. Stigma and discrimination
continue to hinder the rehabilitation and reintegration of drug users in
Nigerian society. Participant 11, a social worker, emphasized, we need to break
the stigma associated with drug use. Addiction is a disease, and people need
support to overcome it, not judgment.
This
perspective is consistent with Oluwabamide and Umoh, who argue that societal
rejection of former users contributes to social isolation and relapse [27].
Efforts by NGOs and community leaders to challenge these narratives are crucial.
Awareness campaigns, support groups, and public dialogues have been used
effectively to reframe addiction as a public health issue rather than a moral
failing. Despite challenges, stakeholders recognize significant opportunities
for enhanced collaboration. Collaboration is key to tackling the drug issue. We
need to work together, NGOs, communities, and the government, to create a
coordinated and effective response," stated Participant 12, a community
leader. This sentiment reflects findings by Adelekan and Ndom who emphasized
the importance of multi-sectoral strategies in drug control. Coordinated action
ensures resource optimization and consistent messaging, which are vital for
long-term success. Integrated platforms for dialogue and strategy between civil
society, law enforcement, and public health agencies can ensure more holistic
approaches.
Synthesis of Findings
The
synthesis of both primary and secondary data stresses a key theme: while NGOs
and community actors are the frontline in drug control efforts, they remain
excluded from formal policy-making processes and under-supported by
institutional mechanisms. This gap between practice and policy has profound
implications for the country’s ability to manage its growing drug problem.
First,
the consistent accounts from participants about their work in education,
rehabilitation, and harm reduction are echoed in the literature, reinforcing
their indispensability. Obot and Saad et al. demonstrate that community-based
models not only improve access to treatment but also increase compliance and
outcomes due to cultural familiarity and trust [4,29].
Second,
the need for decentralization is critical. Nelson et al. argue that the
centralization of both supply and demand control within NDLEA has diluted the
agency's effectiveness, especially in areas needing tailored public health
responses [11]. Supporting this, Klantschnig and Rotimi reveal that
bureaucratic control has historically stifled innovation and community
engagement [5].
Third,
the integration of gender-sensitive frameworks is severely lacking. Nelson and
Rasheed et al. (2016) expose how existing systems neglect female-specific
vulnerabilities, such as stigmatization and lack of female-specific
rehabilitation centers [30]. Participants’ testimonies confirm that these gaps
exacerbate exclusion and reduce treatment uptake among women. Furthermore,
ethical engagement and participatory planning emerged as central to sustainable
impact. As emphasized by Olasupo & Olusegun, ethical partnerships build
legitimacy and foster collective action [31]. Ehikhamenor (2001) supports this,
demonstrating that trust and ethical transparency significantly boosts NGO
impact during crises. Lastly, both primary and secondary data converge on the
demand for improved funding and international-local alignment. Out and Klein
(1999) critique overreliance on foreign policy models and donor frameworks that
may not align with local needs. This mismatch often leaves community-led
initiatives under-resourced and fragmented [32-37].
The
study has look at resilient of national drug strategy in Nigeria which requires
restructuring to meaningfully integrate NGOs and community-led responses. This
includes funding, rehabilitation mandates, incorporation of gender-sensitive
and the establishment of collaborative platforms for sustained local-national
dialogue. It also looks at the battle against illicit drug use and trafficking
as a multifaceted challenge that requires the concerted efforts of various
stakeholders, including the government, law enforcement agencies, NGOs, and
community groups. This study has highlighted the critical role that NGOs and
communities play on the frontline of this battle. Their contributions,
particularly in the areas of prevention, advocacy, rehabilitation, and
community policing, are indispensable to the overall drug control efforts in
the country. NGOs have demonstrated a strong commitment to reducing the
prevalence of drug abuse through educational campaigns, advocacy for policy
reforms, and the provision of rehabilitation services. Their efforts have
significantly impacted individuals and communities, particularly in high-risk
areas where drug use is prevalent. However, their effectiveness is often
hampered by challenges such as inadequate funding, lack of infrastructure, and
societal stigma.
Community
involvement in drug policing has also proven to be a crucial factor in curbing
drug-related activities. Community policing initiatives and support for the
reintegration of former drug users have contributed to reducing the social and
economic impacts of drug abuse. The collaboration between communities and law
enforcement agencies has fostered trust and improved the overall effectiveness
of drug control measures. Despite these successes, significant challenges remain.
The limited resources available to NGOs and community groups, coupled with the
pervasive stigma surrounding drug addiction, continue to pose significant
barriers to progress. Additionally, the lack of comprehensive government
support and coordination among stakeholders often leads to fragmented and
inefficient responses to the drug problem. There is a clear need for increased
collaboration between all stakeholders involved in drug control efforts in
Nigeria. The government must play a more proactive role in supporting NGOs and
communities, particularly in terms of funding and policy development. Moreover,
addressing the stigma associated with drug addiction is crucial to ensuring
that former drug users can successfully reintegrate into society and lead
productive lives. While, the challenges are significant, the role of NGOs and
communities in policing illicit drugs in Nigeria cannot be overstated. Their
continued involvement and support are essential to the success of drug control
efforts in the country. By strengthening partnerships, improving resource
allocation, and addressing societal stigma, Nigeria can make significant
strides in combating the scourge of illicit drugs and ensuring a healthier,
safer future for all its citizens. The findings of this research have practical
implications for policymaking. By identifying the strengths and challenges of
NGO and community involvement, the study can inform policies that support and
enhance these efforts, leading to a more integrated and effective approach to
drug control. This research contributes to the academic literature on drug
control, particularly in the context of developing countries like Nigeria,
where the interplay between state and non-state actors is crucial to addressing
complex social issues.
This
study recommends the followings to enhanced drug control efforts in Nigeria
1. The
Nigerian government should increase financial and logistical support for NGOs
and community groups involved in drug control efforts. This support should
include funding for prevention programmes, rehabilitation centres, and
community policing initiatives.
2. There
is a need for comprehensive policy reforms that prioritize public health
approaches to drug addiction over punitive measures. This includes the
decriminalization of drug use, the implementation of harm reduction strategies,
and the development of policies that support the reintegration of former drug
users into society.
3. NGOs
and community groups should be provided with the necessary training and
resources to enhance their capacity to deliver effective drug prevention and
rehabilitation programs. This includes training in counselling, community
policing, and advocacy.
4. Greater
collaboration between NGOs, community groups, law enforcement agencies, and the
government is essential for a coordinated and effective response to the drug
problem. This includes the establishment of multi-stakeholder platforms for
information sharing, joint planning, and coordinated action.
5. Continuous
research and data collection are essential to understanding the evolving nature
of drug abuse and trafficking in Nigeria. This will enable stakeholders to
develop evidence-based strategies and monitor the effectiveness of existing
interventions.
Limitations
of the Study: While this study provides valuable insights into the role of NGOs
and communities in policing illicit drugs in Nigeria, it is important to
acknowledge its limitations
1. The
study was limited to Calabar in Cross River States as well as the NGOs and
community groups within the State in Nigeria. The findings may not be
generalizable to all States in Nigeria, or all organizations involved in drug
control.
2. The
data collected were primarily qualitative, based on interviews, and document
analysis. While this approach provides rich, detailed information, it may not
capture the full extent of the issues being studied. Quantitative data could
complement these findings and provide a more comprehensive understanding of the
subject.
3. The
study was conducted with limited resources, which may have affected the depth
and breadth of the research. Additional resources could have allowed for a more
extensive study, including a larger sample size and the inclusion of more
diverse perspectives.
Future research should consider the following
areas
1. Future
studies should aim to include a broader geographic scope to capture regional
variations in the role of NGOs and communities in drug control across Nigeria.
2. Incorporating
quantitative data, such as surveys and statistical analysis, could provide a
more comprehensive understanding of the impact of NGOs and community efforts on
drug control outcomes.
3. Comparative
studies that examine the role of NGOs and communities in drug control in
different countries or regions could provide useful lessons for Nigeria and
highlight best practices that can be adapted to the Nigerian context.